Ghana vs. France: Why Africa Pays 10x More Interest on the Same Debt

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In 2025, France’s government can stroll into global bond markets and borrow for under 3% a year.
Ghana, with a lower debt-to-GDP ratio, is quoted 8–12% on the same ten-year tenor—and that is after it just finished a bruising two-year default and restructuring. In other words, for every million euros both countries raise, Accra wires ten times as much interest to creditors as Paris does.
The gap is not academic; it is the single biggest reason African classrooms remain overcrowded, African hospitals understocked and African grids still dark at night.

Below we unpack why the world charges Ghana—and almost every other African sovereign—a “risk premium” that is bigger than the actual loan.
The numbers come from Ghana’s just-completed € 87.7 million bilateral restructuring with France, 2024 bond issuances and the IMF’s latest debt-sustainability files.

 

  1. The headline numbers

2024–25 snapshot

France

Ghana

Debt / GDP

111 %

76 %

Interest paid / revenue

3 %

26 %

10-year euro-bond coupon

3.0 %

10.4 % (2024 reopening)

Average interest on all public debt

2.2 %

9.8 %

Source: IMF World Economic Outlook; Bank of Ghana; Tony Blair Institute; TradingEconomics 10-yr yields.

 

Ghana actually defaulted in December 2022 and entered the G20 Common Framework.
Even the restructured interest rate that France granted Ghana last month is 1–3 %, a concessionary level Paris itself will never pay again.

 

  1. It is not because Ghana is “more indebted”

Africa’s average public-debt ratio (67 % of GDP) is far below the G7 average (111 %).
France, the UK, the US and Japan all carry more debt relative to their economies than Ghana, Kenya or Senegal.
Yet creditors classify African paper as “speculative” while awarding OECD sovereigns “investment grade.”
The rating agencies’ own tables show the dividing line is perceived risk, not arithmetic capacity to pay.

 

  1. The “negative risk-perception cycle”

Investors do not price only today’s policies; they price a mental bundle of:

  • colonial-era arrears and 1980s reschedulings,
  • commodity dependence and single-point shocks,
  • small tax bases (Ghana collects 14 % of GDP in taxes, France 46 %),
  • FX-reserve buffers that cover weeks—not months—of imports,
  • and a legal system where foreign creditors cannot easily seize assets if things go wrong.

 

The result is a self-fulfilling spreadsheet:

High perceived risk ➔ double-digit coupon ➔ heavier budget share for interest ➔ less money for roads, power, schools ➔ weaker growth ➔ higher real probability of default ➔ … even higher perceived risk.

Ghana spent $1 of every $4 it collected in taxes on interest last year—before it paid teachers or bought vaccines.
France spent $1 of every $33.

 

  1. Market structure: there is no “African ECB”

When French yields spike, the European Central Bank steps in as buyer of last resort.
When Ghanaian yields spike, Ghana must print more local currency (fueling inflation) or issue more expensive debt (deepening the hole).
No continental back-stop exists for Africa, and the IMF’s lending windows are capped and conditional.

 

  1. Private creditors demand a “Africa premium” even when risks fall

In 2021 Ghana’s public-financial-management scores were better than those of Romania or Greece on half the World Governance Indicators.
Yet Bucharest borrowed at 4 % that year; Accra paid 8 %.
The 400-basis-point gap is almost pure geography.

 

  1. The real-economy damage
  • Energy: Independent power producers in Ghana sign purchase agreements at 12–14 % cost of capital; French utilities refinance at 2 %.
  • Housing: Ghanaian mortgage rates > 20 %; French households borrow at 2–3 %.
  • Jobs: High capital costs push African firms into the informal sector or offshore; the World Bank estimates the interest-gap shaves 5–2 % off Africa’s annual GDP growth.

 

  1. What will narrow the 10-to-1 gap?
  2. African reforms (necessary but not sufficient)
  • Publish debt data in real time;
  • Merge budget and debt-management offices;
  • Publish audited annual financial statements (Ghana just did this for 2023);
  • Expand tax nets with digital IDs—every 1 % of GDP extra revenue lowers spreads by ~30 bps historically.
  1. Rich-country tools that do notrely on charity
  2. Refinancing facility: The G20 (chaired in 2025 by South Africa) is negotiating a Liquidity & Sustainability Facility that lets African countries swap old high-coupon bonds into new ones collateralised by SDRs or AAA guarantees. Even a 50 % AAA wrap typically cuts 250–300 bps off coupons.
  3. Credit-rating reform: The EU now requires rating agencies to disclose the model weight they give to GDP-per-capita; similar rules in the US would immediately lift 5–6 African issuers out of “speculative” tiers.
  4. Legal architecture: Extend the ICMA clause (already used by Ukraine and Sri Lanka) so that a super-majority of bondholders can force a restructuring—removing the hold-out risk premium African issuers currently pay.
  5. Ghana-France template

France’s bilateral deal suspends service during the IMF programme and caps interest at 1–3 %.
If the entire $5.4 billion Ghana owes to Paris-Club creditors is rolled into similar terms, the budget saves $420 million a year—enough to double the government’s capital-expenditure budget for health.

 

  1. Bottom line

The interest-rate chasm between Ghana and France is not a reflection of fiscal prudence; it is a reflection of history, market structure and an international financial architecture that still prices an entire continent as a single, risky trade.
Until global rules create a refinancing path that rewards reform with verifiably cheaper debt, African finance ministers will keep collecting expensive dollars while their French counterparts borrow the same amount for one-tenth the cost.
The difference, year after year, is the price Africa pays for the classrooms, hospitals and kilowatts it never gets to build.

 

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